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Rather than centralization and administration, it is more useful to focus on ecological conditions that imposed severe restrictions on the availability of basic goods, on the quality of soils and thus on agricultural potential and on the impact of the annual flood. The responses of the inhabitants of the Nile valley showed many common features over the centuries, mainly due to the limits imposed by difficult communications, poor energy sources and limited technologies, typical of pre-industrial societies.

Timber, for instance, was a basic and strategic commodity in a country where it was rather scarce. However, timber was crucial in order to maintain a merchant and naval fleet and in large-scale building activities. Texts from the middle of the 2nd millennium BCE mention that the monarchy watched over cutting down sycamores and other species of trees, while administrative documents from the time of king Seti I record in detail the wooden parts of ships and other timber kept in the hands of officials.

Letters and administrative sources also mention collecting and transporting charcoal, a highly prized item, to the point that it was proudly mentioned among goods donated to temples.

In fact, searching for a regular and abundant provision of timber dictated the politics of Egypt both in ancient and modern times. Byblos became a privileged commercial partner of the Pharaohs in antiquity, not only as a gateway to the lucrative Levant routes but also as provider of cedar wood.

But much later rulers of modern Egypt like Muhammad Ali also launched several campaigns to the Levant in order to secure access to Anatolian and Lebanese forests. Thus timber partly explains the geopolitics of pharaonic Egypt, when access to strategic but scarce commodities within the Nile Valley nourished both trade networks and military expansionism abroad.

Land management and taxation also represented a challenge for ancient and modern administrators. Land could be completely, partly or scarcely flooded, and salty and marshy areas could result from evaporation or stagnation depending on the level reached by the annual inundation. The abundance or absence of enough nutrients led to quite different yields and, depending on the availability of manpower, fields could be laboured, left fallow or simply became waste and bushy. Medieval agronomists like Al-Makhzumi classified Egyptian fields into many different categories according to their physical characteristics, yields, location and accessibility to water.

In fact his work continued a well-rooted tradition going back into pharaonic times, when teams of scribes travelled around the countryside measuring the fields and calculating the expected return according to their characteristics. The Wilbour papyrus, for instance, distinguished three main categories of fields depending on their expected return: It has been debated if true land registries actually existed in pharaonic Egypt, regularly updated.

While the Wilbour papyrus shows that land assessment was technically possible, at least for a restricted area of Egypt northern Middle Egypt and for land tenure belonging to institutions mainly temples , it has been argued that such a task would have been exceedingly difficult for the whole country. However, there is evidence that at least pharaoh Psammetichus I ordered a general census of all fields of his kingdom. Of course, such a measure was indispensable in order to calculate the fiscal revenue expected by the state, hence its administrative importance.

Actual examples are well known for latter periods. Following the Ottoman conquest of Egypt in , the sultan ordered the assessment of the fields of the country in , and a land register from this period has partially survived. The analysis of the different types of handwriting reveals that nine officials were in charge of the compilation of the notices: This example reveals that the administration was able to know, at least approximately, the different types of fields present in a given area and the taxes expected from them.

But land was not the only item subject to control by zealous officials. Pharaonic texts also reveal that wells and basins were carefully recorded in administrative documents. It is not rare that in some detailed examples records of land sales gave not only the size of the field but also the number of wells and of different types of trees date-palms, sycamores, etc. This opens the debated question of the actual role played by the central administration in the management of irrigation.

Older interpretations considered that the king organized and took care of the irrigation network of the Nile Valley dikes, canals, basins, etc. Nevertheless, a careful reassessment of pharaonic sources provides no proof of a centralized management of the irrigation system. In fact, irrigation devolved upon local communities and was practised in a rather small and autonomous scale.

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