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  • much of this activity is actually about electing or defeating candidates. ♢ PAC- Political Action Committees. INTEREST GROUPS PAST AND PRESENT: THE “MISCHIEFS OF FACTION”. ♢ Factions- a term used to refer to political parties and special interests or interest groups. ♢ Americans live in a maze of group interests,  Missing: casino.
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  • Many people are concerned and even angered by the amount of money that today's campaigns collect and spend in the process. Political Action Committees (PACs) and Super PACs are a significant source of the funding on which many of these campaigns rely. Any AP US Gov Review needs to include a  Missing: casino.
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  1. Issue network – Relationships among interest groups, congressional committees and subcommittees, and the government agencies that share a common policy concern. Political action committee (PAC) – The political arm of an interest group that is legally entitled to raise funds on a voluntary basis from members,  Missing: casino.:
    tors by a “person” to a candidate or political committee but “credited” by the recipient can- didate or committee “to the By the same token, individuals, organizations or groups affected by government action or electorate's decisions with respect to the election of public officials or the ap- proval or rejection. Ap U. S Government Steven Tsay 10/31/ Evaluating the effects of Citizens United on shaping primary candidates' policies. In , the Supreme and limits individual donations, donations to candidates by Political Action Committees (PACs), . for furthering security for Israel and banning internet gambling. Welcome to Advanced Placement United States Government and Politics, taught this year by Mr. O'Keefe and Kimble. The AP program in US Government and Politics is designed to provide students with the analytical skills, factual knowledge, and enduring understandings necessary to deal critically with.
  2. AIPAC's annual conventions are typically a who's who of high government office from both parties pledging their loyalty to Israel. • Pro-Israel Political Action Committees (PACs): AIPAC does not give campaign contributions itself but instead uses a campaign finance network consisting of around thirty Pro-Israel Political.:
    What Super PAC Donors Really Want Is A Return On Their Investment said in , “they expect something in return other than good government. Adelson's company violated the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act by offering large payments to officials in Macau, where it has a major casino operation. Yet when Newt Gingrich closed out his campaign, he thanked one couple—the casino magnate Sheldon Adelson and his wife—for “single-handedly” keeping him competitive with Mitt Romney's super pac, as if this was a noble rather than humiliating distinction for a presidential aspirant with a theoretically national network. Politics. Campaign donations, lobbying and influence in government and reports on the special interests that are funding elections and buying power. Like seven and eight-figure donations from people like casino magnate and billionaire Sheldon Adelson who, with his family, has given about $40 million.
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This question also asked for an example of how critics argue that interest groups limit representative democracy. You could also include a reference to Super PACs in answering this portion. All of these ideas can be the basis for critique of Super PACs. Those critical of the influence interest groups have through their Super PACs might also claim that though they spend hundreds of millions, the fact that the Super PAC money is spent by interest groups on both sides of almost every issue means that their voices cancel each other out.

This hyper-pluralism can mean issues become such political hot buttons that candidates and elected officials fear to take meaningful stands or taking action, and little progress is made on the issues that matter most to the citizens. They are the same technique, but merely have different rules that apply to each. If you can answer the questions above correctly, you are well on your way to preparing for the AP US Government exam!

It is always good to provide specific examples on the AP exam. For bonus points, can you research the name of an influential Super PAC in the Presidential race?

You can also find thousands of practice questions on Albert. Learn more about our school licenses here. Learn anything through interactive practice with Albert. Determining the convergence of an arbitrary series can be a difficult task; sometimes, it is best to find another series This AP Art History study guide provides you with the tools you need to succeed on the exam—and to September 7, , Political Action Committees arose in response to campaign finance laws that banned: There are rules that all PACs must follow: What is a Super PAC?

Educators, are you looking to improve student outcomes? Advanced Placement Rigorous, standards-aligned interactive learning for all AP courses.

Differentiated Foundations Math, literacy, and writing supplements for school-wide implementations. Learn about school licenses View school sales brochure. The billionaire Koch brothers speak about libertarianism and the need to save free enterprise. Casino magnate Adelson talks in equally apocalyptic terms about preserving the security and Jewish identity of Israel. Some super donors say they want to level the playing field in the interest of a fair fight.

Jeffrey Katzenberg of DreamWorks, President Barack Obama's most influential ally in Hollywood, has said that his goal is to blunt the efforts of Republican strategist Karl Rove, the Koch brothers and other hard-core conservatives to run away with the election. But all these super donors have other goals that are less high-minded and more specific. Simply put, they want the federal government to do something or to stop doing something. For their money, they want results that will help their bottom line, their industry or their members.

Now it's anything goes. So what do the big boys want? What do they really, really want? The Huffington Post looked behind the rhetoric for the potential policy payoffs -- there's truly no other word for it -- sought by 15 individual and institutional super donors in the campaign. With the Koch brothers, for example, the motivation has less to do with libertarian ideology than with the fact that many of their industrial and mining companies are environmentally invasive -- to put it mildly.

They expect a Republican administration and Congress, if they can buy one, to abolish laws, regulations and regulatory bureaucracies that interfere with their business.

Federal investigators are examining whether Adelson's company violated the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act by offering large payments to officials in Macau, where it has a major casino operation. Adelson would like an administration more likely to see his side of that story.

As for the AFL-CIO and the teachers' union, their goal is to preserve collective bargaining rights and union prerogatives at a time when membership has declined in all but public employee unions.

Indeed, the main goal is to preserve public employees' collective bargaining rights and benefits, which are under attack at the state level. For these institutions, the identity of the president who has the power to nominate members of the National Labor Relations Board -- an obscure agency to most Americans -- is paramount.

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For bonus points, can you research the name of an influential Super PAC in the Presidential race? You can also find thousands of practice questions on Albert. Learn more about our school licenses here. Learn anything through interactive practice with Albert.

Determining the convergence of an arbitrary series can be a difficult task; sometimes, it is best to find another series This AP Art History study guide provides you with the tools you need to succeed on the exam—and to September 7, , Political Action Committees arose in response to campaign finance laws that banned: There are rules that all PACs must follow: What is a Super PAC?

Educators, are you looking to improve student outcomes? Advanced Placement Rigorous, standards-aligned interactive learning for all AP courses.

Differentiated Foundations Math, literacy, and writing supplements for school-wide implementations. Learn about school licenses View school sales brochure. But all these super donors have other goals that are less high-minded and more specific. Simply put, they want the federal government to do something or to stop doing something. For their money, they want results that will help their bottom line, their industry or their members.

Now it's anything goes. So what do the big boys want? What do they really, really want? The Huffington Post looked behind the rhetoric for the potential policy payoffs -- there's truly no other word for it -- sought by 15 individual and institutional super donors in the campaign.

With the Koch brothers, for example, the motivation has less to do with libertarian ideology than with the fact that many of their industrial and mining companies are environmentally invasive -- to put it mildly. They expect a Republican administration and Congress, if they can buy one, to abolish laws, regulations and regulatory bureaucracies that interfere with their business.

Federal investigators are examining whether Adelson's company violated the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act by offering large payments to officials in Macau, where it has a major casino operation. Adelson would like an administration more likely to see his side of that story. As for the AFL-CIO and the teachers' union, their goal is to preserve collective bargaining rights and union prerogatives at a time when membership has declined in all but public employee unions.

When I first spoke with Potter about Citizens United , last November, he was still trying to understand how the majority could have come to what he saw as such a wrongheaded decision. None of the justices really understood the risks of corruption created by endless fund-raising and well-financed independent campaigns seeking specific legislation, and so they failed to defer to Congress, which knew the dangers firsthand.

To Bopp, any attempts by sitting politicians to restrict money in politics are inherently suspect. Slender, silver-haired, and genial, Bopp usually comes across as what he might have been—the third in a generational line of doctors in Terre Haute.

While candidates care obsessively about their own elections, a political party has broader interests. This summer, the Court summarily reversed a case that would have given it the chance to revisit Citizens United by examining the corrupting effects, in the real world, of so-called independent expenditures. There is nothing inherently evil about money in politics. It was at a prospecting event for political money among Los Angeles elites last year that Joe Biden met the children of a gay couple and had his epiphany that gay marriage was not evil.

Whatever you think of gay marriage, that encounter at least prompted the White House to end its ducking and weaving on a big question and take a stand. Yet if political money is not wicked in principle, it has often proved troublesome in practice, with the trouble growing in proportion to the cost of campaigning and the need for more money—and also in proportion to public cynicism about politics.

The booming new concerns of the Industrial Revolution—oil, steel, rail, finance—began pouring money into campaigns, in pursuit of specific policies, particularly protectionist tariffs. Hanna spent Bryan into the ground. Down through the decades, the rising political power of other groups, like unions, prompted new restrictions. In all, 31 executives from companies like ITT and American Airlines were charged with giving money for government benefits, and Congress in enacted a new, extremely rigid campaign-finance regime: Two years later, in the landmark case Buckley v.

Valeo , the Supreme Court struck down the spending limits, saying they undermined free speech. Corruption, of course, can occur across a wide spectrum, and it can appear to occur across an even wider one. Since Watergate, there have been a handful of egregious instances, like the Indian-casinos scandal of the last decade, in which the lobbyist Jack Abramoff supplied campaign money, along with bribes in the form of skybox seats and a golfing trip to Scotland, in exchange for legislative support for his clients.

But such clear cases are at the extreme. Or like the spectacle of President Clinton insisting that he did not rent the Lincoln Bedroom to Democratic Party donors and that, in his last hours in office, he did not pardon the financier Marc Rich in exchange for money for the Democrats.

This is all fairly tawdry, but is it corrupt? As a member of the White House press corps, I once joined in the contest as Bill Clinton spent 51 minutes, one hand casually tucked in a pants pocket, parrying questions about his fund-raising. It was an artful dodge—a deft flick of the adverbial cape over the charging bull—and, I suspect, it was the simple truth.

This is a legalized-bribery kind of system where no one has to say anything. What subsidies are left in place? What bill inconvenient to some interest languishes and then dies a quiet death? This is an old Washington game. Such political games take a toll on the citizenry. Indeed, voters have good cause to wonder which branch of government is taking their views of politics into account. Citizens United itself appears not to have helped matters. He sees it as a reflection of healthy skepticism of politics in general.

Super pac s have proved useful to candidates not just as vehicles to raise unlimited contributions, but as allies that create particularly nasty ads that the beneficiary can distance himself from. It is also hard to imagine why the donors who are now choosing not to reveal themselves would suddenly want to step into the light of day. The growing river of anonymous money is a result of the brokenness of our political system; no branch of government made an affirmative decision to let this money in.

In Citizens United , eight justices favored disclosure Clarence Thomas was the exception. No less a conservative light than Antonin Scalia, in a case, declared:. Requiring people to stand up in public for their political acts fosters civic courage, without which democracy is doomed.

This does not resemble the Home of the Brave. Bopp had an answer ready when I asked him about the Scalia quotation: His point is more nuanced. I advanced the argument that voters should know the interests of anyone advocating a political position, because otherwise they might be deceived. Who are they to decide this for Joe Blow out here? Well, it so happens that my brother, Michael, is a senator from Colorado.

In the inaugural cycle for super pac s, in , Michael was the top target, and conservative super pac s outspent liberal ones in his race that year nearly 3-to His image was distorted, the voice-overs were ominous, and all in all, the ads made him seem like a devil. To me, all this advertising seemed less like the currency of democracy than like a grotesquely stupid exercise to enrich political consultants and local television stations, and to drive voters away from polls.

It seems like a fair question—but one that might get asked only if my name is on the story; once the reader has that information, the rest is just a Google search away, with no government intervention necessary. Even after Potter started the gig, it took him a while to fully appreciate the joke: The whole point, he explained, was to work through the legal questions on television.

In one segment, a despondent Colbert made a show of shredding the paperwork for his PAC after Viacom objected that it could get in trouble for making a contribution in the form of airtime to a political-action committee. In reality, of course, close allies and recent aides of the candidates run the super pac s.

The Federal Election Commission could enforce more independence. The segment in which Colbert created his super pac also underscored a profound legal—maybe even philosophical—shift wrought by Citizens United.

Indeed, the Court in Citizens United glided past some big questions, including, for example, whether a globe-spanning company, such as an oil company, has the same right as an American company to spend unlimited sums on American elections as Justice John Paul Stevens acidly observed in his dissent: There is plenty of precedent for regulating certain types of speech by corporations: The Court has drawn a distinction, however, between commercial and political speech.

For the latter, the First Amendment protection is now all but absolute. But can a corporation engage in political speech that is not commercial? Jim Bopp finds the question a bit silly. As a political matter, opening the door wide to corporate money has merely erased Democratic advantages in union ground support and media sympathy, in his view. And as a matter of law and common sense, he sees corporations as people, not reducible to a single interest.

It is not only maximizing profits. It is advancing the economic interest of the corporation, in many different ways. To Potter, the focus even on a broader economic interest sets a corporation apart from a citizen. But citizens have a very different approach to politics. Is this decision affected by my religion? By my moral values? By whether I think war is morally wrong?

By whether I think we should be safeguarding our future in the Far East? All these sorts of questions are at play when an individual makes a political decision of who to support. It is supposed to figure out how to get more out of the government, how to get a policy that benefits it at the expense of its competitors.

The majority in Citizens United implicitly endorsed a narrow, corporate approach to politics. In its hymn to the new era of disclosure, the majority noted: It is hard not to read that as: Jim Bopp has cases in the works to challenge the constitutionality of that restriction. Reformers who have been around a long time are betting that an old political cycle will repeat itself—that a permissive era will produce a scandal that will produce new rules.

The history for me is the saving grace here, being old enough to have lived through this before. Maybe a big campaign-finance scandal will break the congressional logjam blocking the Disclose Act. And, short of achieving a new majority on the Supreme Court, there are levers that a reform-minded administration might pull.

Obama may have pledged to change our politics, but he has shied away from seeking to replace the five FEC commissioners whose terms have expired, leaving the deadlocked incumbents in place.

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Interest Group Formation: Crash Course Government and Politics #43