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    Tropicana Evansville is a casino in downtown Evansville, Indiana, owned and operated by Tropicana Entertainment. Originally named Casino Aztar, it was opened by Aztar Corporation in as the state's first casino. The main entertainment facility consists of a 45,square-foot (4, m2) casino, a room hotel. Tropicana Evansville is a Casino in Evansville, Indiana and is open daily 24 hours. The casino's square foot gaming space features gaming machines and forty table and poker games. The property has seven restaurants, one bar and two hotels with rooms. Inhe Maximum Stake Casino X-apparently-to Means Of Communication Aztar Indiana Gaming, of Evansville, on behalf of David Williams, then 51 years old, who had been an auditor for the State of Indiana. Four years later, Noffsinger filed a suit on behalf of Jenny Kephart, then 52 years old, against Caesars Riverboat.
  2. However, nearly all of this supply growth occurred between andwith the opening of the Lake Michigan and Ohio Stake Casino Aztar Riverboat Gaming casinos. The two casino taxes have become the fifth largest source of revenue to the state following the sales tax, the individual income tax, the motor fuel tax, and the.:
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He unpacked his Browning semiautomatic gauge shotgun, loaded it, and sat on one of the railroad ties that rimmed the parking lot.

He was meticulous about finances, both professionally and personally. When he first met Stacy, inhe insisted that she pay off her credit-card debt immediately. Stevens doted on his girls and threw himself into causes that benefited them. He spent time on weekends painting the high-school cafeteria and stripping the hallway floors. Stevens got his first taste of casino gambling while attending a trade show in Las Vegas. On a subsequent trip, he hit a jackpot on a slot machine and was hooked.

Scott and Stacy soon began making several trips a year to Vegas. She liked shopping, sitting by the pool, even occasionally playing the slots with her husband. They brought the kids in the summer and made a family vacation of it by visiting the Grand Canyon, the Hoover Dam, and Disneyland.

Back home, Stevens became a regular at the Mountaineer Casino. Over the next six years, his gambling hobby became an addiction. Stevens methodically concealed his addiction from his wife. He kept separate bank accounts. He used his work address for his gambling correspondence: W-2Gs the IRS form used to report gambling winningswire transfers, casino mailings.

Even his best friend and brother-in-law, Carl Nelson, who occasionally gambled alongside Stevens, had no inkling of his problem. When Stevens ran out of money at the casino, Jack Of Hearts Casino Imdb Quotes Pulp would leave, write a company check on one of the Berkman accounts for which he had check-cashing privileges, and return to the casino with more cash. He sometimes did this three or four times in a single day. His colleagues did not question his absences from the office, because his job involved overseeing various companies in different locations.

Stacy had no idea. In Vegas, Stevens had always kept plans to join her and the girls for lunch. At home, he was always on time for dinner. So she was stunned when he called her with bad news on January 30, She was on the stairs with a load of laundry when the phone rang.

Stevens never did come clean with her about how much he had stolen or about how often he had been gambling. Even after he was fired, Stevens kept gambling as often as five or six times a week. Stacy noticed that he was irritable more frequently than usual and that he sometimes snapped at the girls, but she figured that it was the fallout of his unemployment.

When he headed to the casino, he told her he was going to see his therapist, that he was networking, that he had other appointments. When money appeared from his occasional wins, he claimed that he had been doing some online trading. Afterward, Stacy studied gambling addiction and the ways slot machines entice customers to part with their money.

Inshe filed a lawsuit against both Mountaineer Casino and International Game Technology, the manufacturer of the slot machines her husband played. Or was he the victim—as the suit alleged—of a system carefully calibrated to prey upon his weakness, one that robbed him of his money, his hope, and ultimately his life?

But since Congress passed the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act intribal and commercial casinos have rapidly proliferated across the country, with some 1, now operating in 40 states. The preferred mode of gambling these days is electronic gaming machines, of which there are now almost 1 million nationwide, offering variations on slots and video poker.

Their prevalence has accelerated addiction and reaped huge profits for casino operators. And, despite the popularity of slot machines and the decades of innovation surrounding them, when adjusted for inflation, there has not been a significant increase in the amount spent by customers on slot-machine gambling during an average casino visit.

Noffsinger, 72, has been here before. A soft-spoken personal-injury attorney based in Indiana, he has filed two previous lawsuits against casinos. Four years later, Noffsinger filed a suit on behalf of Jenny Kephart, then 52 years old, against Caesars Riverboat Casino, in Elizabeth, Indiana, alleging that the casino, aware that Kephart was a pathological gambler, knowingly enticed her into gambling in order to profit from her addiction.

Kephart had filed for bankruptcy after going broke gambling in Iowa, and moved to Tennessee. When the casino sued her for damages on the money she owed, Kephart countersued. Unlike in his earlier gambling cases, however, he decided to include a products-liability claim in this one, essentially arguing that slot machines are knowingly designed to deceive players so that when they are used as intended, they cause harm.

In focusing on the question of product liability, Noffsinger was borrowing from the rule book of early antitobacco litigation strategy, which, over the course of several decades and countless lawsuits, ultimately succeeded in getting courts to hold the industry liable for the damage it wrought on public health.

When Noffsinger filed the Stevens lawsuit, John W. E ven by the estimates of the National Center for Responsible Gaming, which was founded by industry members, 1.

That is more than the number of women living in the U. Others outside the industry estimate the number of gambling addicts in the country to be higher. Such addicts simply cannot stop themselves, regardless of the consequences.

Gambling is a drug-free addiction. Yet despite the fact that there is no external chemical at work on the brain, the neurological and physiological reactions to the stimulus are similar to those of drug or alcohol addicts. Some gambling addicts report that they experience a high resembling that produced by a powerful drug.

Like drug addicts, they develop a tolerance, and when they cannot How To Win Roulette In Gala Casino, they show signs of withdrawal such as panic attacks, anxiety, insomnia, headaches, and heart palpitations.

Neuroscientists have discovered characteristics that appear to be unique to the brains of addicts, particularly in the dopaminergic system, which includes reward pathways, and in the prefrontal cortex, which exerts executive control over impulses. Gambling addicts may have a genetic predisposition, though a specific marker has not yet been uncovered. Environmental factors and personality traits—a big gambling win within the past year, companions who gamble regularly, impulsivity, depression—may also contribute to the development of a gambling problem.

Given the guilt and shame involved, gambling addiction frequently progresses to a profound despair. The National Council on Problem Gambling estimates that one in five gambling addicts attempts suicide—the highest rate among addicts of any kind.

There are no accurate figures for suicides related to gambling problems, but there are ample anecdotes: P roblem gamblers are worth a lot of money to casinos. According to some research, 20 percent of regular gamblers are problem or pathological gamblers.

Moreover, when they gamble, they spend—which is to say, lose—more than other players. At least nine independent studies demonstrate that problem gamblers generate anywhere from 30 to 60 percent of total gambling revenues. Casinos know exactly who their biggest spenders are. According to a article in Time magazine, back in the s casino operators bought records from credit-card companies and mailing lists from direct-mail marketers.

These days, the casinos have their own internal methods for determining who their most attractive customers are. Machine Gambling in Las Vegas70 percent of patrons now use loyalty cards, which allow the casinos to track such data points as how frequently they play electronic gaming machines, how long they play, how much they bet, how often they win and lose, what times of day they visit, and so on. Each time a patron hits the Spin or the Deal button, which can be as frequently as to 1, times an hour, the casino registers the data.

In some machines, miniature cameras watch their faces and track their playing behavior. Several companies supply casinos with ATMs that allow patrons to withdraw funds through both debit and cash-advance functions, in some cases without ever leaving the machines they are playing.

Some of the companies also sell information on their ATM customers to the casinos. All of these data have enabled casinos to specifically target their most reliable spenders, primarily problem gamblers and outright addicts. They also employ hosts who befriend large spenders and use special offers to encourage them to stay longer or return soon.

Some hosts receive bonuses that are tied to the amount customers spend beyond their expected losses, which are calculated using the data gathered from previous visits. The business plan for casinos is based on the addicted gambler. It increased the limits on some slot machines so that she could spend more on single games. It also made a new machine off-limits to other customers so that Richardson could be the first to play it.

Management assigned Richardson an executive host, who offered her free drinks, meals, hotel stays, and tickets to entertainment events. In , Richardson, then 54, was sentenced to 14 to 20 years in prison for the crime. The thefts ultimately put the company out of business. A representative for Ameristar Casino declined to comment on the lawsuit. District Court for Nebraska agreed that Colombo had sufficiently proved its initial claim of unjust enrichment, which the casino would have to defend itself against.

W alk into the Mountaineer Casino in West Virginia, and the slot machines overwhelm you—more than 1, of them, lights blinking, animated screens flashing, the simulated sound of clinking coins blaring across the floor.

But the vast majority sit at the slot machines. Slots and video poker have become the lifeblood of the American casino. They generate nearly 70 percent of casino revenues, according to a American Gaming Association report, up from 45 percent four decades ago. Three out of five casino visitors say their favorite activity is playing electronic gaming machines. Their popularity spells profits not only for casinos but for manufacturers as well. Old-fashioned three-reel slot machines consisted of physical reels that were set spinning by the pull of a lever.

If the same symbol aligned on the payline on all three reels when they stopped spinning, the player would win a jackpot that varied in size depending on the symbol. The odds were straightforward and not terribly hard to calculate. But where each reel stops is no longer determined by the force of a good pull of the lever. The physical reels are not spinning until they run out of momentum, as it might appear.

Thus it is possible for game designers to reduce the odds of hitting a big jackpot from 1 in 10, to 1 in million. Moreover, it is almost impossible for a slots player to have any idea of the actual odds of winning any jackpot, however large or small.

The intent is to give the player the impression of having almost won—when, in fact, he or she is no closer to having won than if the symbol had not appeared on the reel at all. Some slot machines are specifically programmed to offer up this near-miss result far more often than they would if they operated by sheer chance, and the psychological impact can be powerful, leading players to think, I was so close. Nelson Rose, a professor at Whittier Law School and the author of Gambling and the Law , has written, Nevada regulations operate on the theory that a sophisticated player would be able to tell the real odds of winning by playing a machine long enough.

Research has shown that an elevated number of near-miss results does increase playing time. Indeed, as early as , B. Astonishingly, the patent application for virtual reel mapping, the technology that made all these deceptive practices possible, was straightforward about its intended use: In the United States, by contrast, the federal government granted the patent for virtual reel mapping in IGT purchased the rights to it in and later licensed the patent to other companies.

Of course, classic, spinning-reel slot machines make up only a fraction of the electronic gaming machines available at most casinos. Technology has evolved such that many machines lack physical reels altogether, instead merely projecting the likenesses of spinning symbols onto a video screen. Instead of betting on one simple payline, players are able to bet on multiple patterns of paylines—as many as on some machines.

This allows for more opportunities to win, but the results are often deceptive. You can get to of these false wins, which we also call losses , an hour. Because the machine is telling the player he or she is winning, the gradual siphoning is less noticeable. Related to the video slot machines are video-poker terminals, which IGT began popularizing in The standard five-card-draw game shows five cards, each offering players the option to hold or replace by drawing a card from the 47 remaining in the virtual deck.

The games require more skill—or at least a basic understanding of probabilities—than the slot machines do. As such, they appeal to people who want to have some sense of exerting control over the outcome. They saw, for instance, patrons going more often for four of a kind than the royal flush, a rarer but more lucrative hand, and they adjusted the machines accordingly. Video poker also offers its own version of losses disguised as wins.

Whatever the exact figure, the house odds make it such that if a player plays long enough, she will eventually lose her money. T echnological innovations have not only rendered electronic gaming machines wildly profitable; they have also, according to experts, made them more addictive.

A crucial element in modern gambling machines is speed. Legal gambling in Indiana comprises various forms and venues ranging from large-scale commercial casinos with Vegas-like slot machines and table games to small stakes gaming on bingo, raffles, and pull-tab ticket games conducted by nonprofit organizations. The array of legal gaming in Indiana has grown to include lotto drawings and instant ticket games operated by the Hoosier Lottery and pari-mutuel betting at horse racetracks and off-track betting facilities.

A mere twenty years ago, these forms of gambling were illegal in Indiana. This changed on November 8,when voters repealed the state's constitutional prohibition on lotteries.

At that time, Article 15, Section 8 of the Indiana Constitution stated that, "[n]o lottery shall be authorized, nor shall the sale of lottery tickets be allowed. Inlegislation was enacted to legalize the Hoosier Lottery and pari-mutuel betting on live horse races.

The following year, legislation was enacted authorizing nonprofit organizations to conduct bingo, raffles, and other small stakes gaming often referred to as charity gaming. The legislature expanded the pari-mutuel law in to allow off-track betting facilities and, inafter several years of consideration, enacted legislation to allow gaming on riverboat casinos.

In the years since, the legislature has augmented gaming laws at various times for various reasons, including allowing dockside and round-the-clock gaming at the riverboat casinos, the Hoosier Lottery to participate in foreign lotteries, and to establish a casino at French Lick. Inthe legislature authorized slot machine gaming at the state's two horse racetracks see Racetrack Casinos sidebar and, inauthorized small stakes gaming on pull-tabs and the like in bars and taverns around the state.

This article focuses on the thirteen years of operation of riverboat casinos in Indiana and the growth in the supply of casino games statewide and explains Stake Casino Aztar Riverboat Gaming state excise taxes imposed on the casino owners. It also provides a history of the revenue generated from these excise taxes and reports the purposes for which these revenues have been utilized. We pay particular attention to the state's riverboat wagering tax, which is imposed on the casino's gaming win.

The win comprises the wagering dollars retained by the casinos after prize amounts have been paid to winning players. The other excise tax imposed on the riverboat casinos is the riverboat admission tax, a head tax based on the number of gamblers entering the casinos.

Note that all years referenced in this article are fiscal years unless otherwise noted. The wagering tax is by far the dominant revenue producer of the two excise taxes: More importantly, the wagering tax has become a major source of funding for the state's property tax relief program.

What's more, all wagering tax revenue from the two new racetrack casinos is dedicated to property tax relief. The riverboat gaming law authorized eleven casino licenses. The law established the Indiana Gaming Commission to approve license applicants, to regulate the gaming operations of each licensee, and to license and regulate the occupations and suppliers serving the riverboat casinos.

The law also required that voters had to approve casino gaming at a referendum before a casino could be licensed to operate in their county or city. Casino Aztar, located in Evansville, was the first casino to begin operating in December While the Lake Michigan and Ohio River licenses were filed and operating bythe Patoka Lake license was never utilized because the Army Corps of Engineers would not allow a casino to operate on the lake.

As a result, the statutory authority for the Patoka Lake license was repealed in In its place, the legislature authorized a casino to operate in a special historic district in French Lick. The French Lick casino opened in November and represents the eleventh and last riverboat casino to open under the current riverboat gaming law. Table 1 lists the state's riverboat casinos by location and opening date. Formerly the Trump Casino 2.

Formerly the Empress Casino 3. Formerly Caesars Casino Source: Since that first riverboat casino, ten more casinos have opened, supplying almost 17, additional EGDs and almost additional table games. However, nearly all of this supply growth occurred between andwith the opening of the Lake Michigan and Ohio Stake Casino Aztar Riverboat Gaming casinos. Belterra Casino, the tenth riverboat casino to open, began operating in October and registered its first full fiscal year of operations in Sincehowever, the supply of EGDs and table games statewide has remained relatively unchanged see Figure 1.

From toonly one new riverboat casino the French Lick Stake Casino Aztar Riverboat Gaming opened and only one major expansion was completed when a new and larger facility was opened in by Blue Chip Casino in Michigan City. The number of EGDs supplied by casinos in Indiana increased by an average of 6. During that time, the number of table games supplied at casinos increased by about 3. However, Figure 1 highlights the two distinct periods of supply growth. While the supply of EGDs grew by an average of Table games show a similar change in annual supply, growing by about 7.

Most of the post growth is attributable to the French Lick Casino opening, which added roughly 1, EGDs and 45 table games to the state totals beginning in Excluding French Lick, the supply of EGDs Gratis Bonus Casino Belgie Online Timers table games has actually declined slightly sinceshowing average declines of about 0.

The riverboat gaming law imposes two excise taxes on the casino owners. The two casino taxes have become the fifth largest source of revenue to the state following the sales tax, the individual income tax, the motor fuel tax, and the corporate income tax. The imposition of the taxes for admission and wagering depends on whether the casino owner chooses to conduct gaming excursions or dockside gaming.

The riverboat gaming law imposes a number of regulatory restrictions and requirements on the riverboat casinos. Unlike neighboring states with riverboat gaming, Indiana did not impose regulatory restrictions such as betting limits, loss limits, or gaming machine or position limits.

Like other states, Indiana did impose an excursion requirement on the riverboat casinos. Under the excursion requirement, the riverboat casinos had to leave the dock and cruise while gaming was conducted on-board except when water or weather conditions posed a danger for conducting the gaming excursions.

The law provides for a maximum excursion length of four hours but, as a practice, the casinos tended to operate two-hour excursion schedules.

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